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SPEECHES 



MR. ROSS AND MR. MORRIS, 



DKL\v'f;RFr» 



•I^ THE SENATT^ OV THE ITlsPTED STATES.^ 



rmJK.^DyfY. VTTK 94.'.'; or Ff.B7^U.!Ry. SSOS.; 



\fT? Rr,eq,3 RESOLUTIONS 



OKR laCHT or DEPOStfl? >VITHIN THE SPANISH TKRRITORIES. 



PHILADELriUA : 

^ ■ ■ 

. ..KONSOJI b* caAU«'CEY, AT THE OF: 
2ETTJB Ot-THE UNltfeD STATE*. 
1 803. 



.Kb I 

no3 



THE 



SPEECHES 



OF 



MR. ROSS AND MR. MORRIS, 



&c. 



On the 1 6th of Feb. 1803, Mr. Rofs, after a very- 
able introduftory fpeech, which has already been pubHfhed 
in mod of the gazettes, fubmitted to the fenate of the United 
States the following 

RESOLUTIONS, 

Refohed, That the United States of America have an indif- 
putable right to the free navigation of the river MiiTiflippi, and 
to a convenient depofit for their produce and merchandize in 
the ifland of New- Orleans : 

That the late infraction of fuch their unqueflionable right 
is an aggreffion, hoflile to their honour and intercft : 

That it does not confifl with the dignity or fafety of this 
union to hold a right fo important by a tenure fo uncertain : 

That it materially concerns fuch of the American citizens 
as dwell on the weflern waters, and is elTential to the union, 
ftrength, and profperity of thefe ftates, that they obtain com- 
plete fecurity for the full and peaceable enjoyment of fuch their 
abfolute right : 

That the Prefident be authorifed to take immediate pof- 
feflion of fome place or places, in the faid ifland, or the ad- 
jacent territories, fit and convenient for the purpofes aforefaid, 



and to adopt fuch meafures for obtaining that complete fecurity, 
as to him, in his wifdom, fhall feem meet : 

That he be authorif.^d to call into actual fervice any num- 
ber of the militia of the dates of South Carolina, Georgia, 
Tenneflee, Ki:'ntucky, and Ohio, and the Mifliffippi territory, 
which he may think proper not exceeding 50,000, and 'o em- 
ploy them, together with the naval and military force of the 
union, for effefting the object above mentioned, and that the 
fum of five mill'ons of dollars be appropriated to the carrying 
into eifeifl the foregoing refolutions, and that the whole or any 
part of that fum be paid or applied on warrants drawn in pur- 
fuance of fuch direflions as the Prefident may from time to time 
think proper to give to the fecretary of the treafury. 

On the 21^6, the refolutions were taken into confideration, 
and feveral fenators delivered their fentiments upon the fubjeft. 

On the 24th, after Mr. Wright, of Maryland^ had made 
a very long fpeech in oppofition to the refolutions, 

Mr. ROSS 

J-ofe and fpoke in fubftance as follows : 

He faid that the propriety of introducing thefe refolutions 
became every day more apparent. — Since they had been laid 
on the table, our national councils had taken a new direction, 
and had aflumed a much. more promifmg afpeft. — Until thefe 
refolutions were brought forward, there had been no military 
preparation ; — No propofal to detach militia ; — to build arfe- 
nals on the weftern waters j — to provide armed boats for the 
proteiftion of our trade on the MiffiHippi. — He was happy in 
feeing gentlemen on the oppofite fide, purfuing a more vigo- 
rous courfe than they were at firfl inclined to adopt, and he 
hoped they would, before long, confent to take flronger and 
more eifeflual meafures for the fecurity of what was in hazard. 

As he had, on a late occafion, flated at large his reafons for 
prefenting the refolutions, he would not detain the fenate with 
a repetition of them, except where they had been raifrepre- 
fented or diftorted during the debate. — He could not fuppofe 
that any gentlemen would intentionally miftate what had been 
faid ; but it was very certain that fentiments and aifertions had 
been afcribed to him, in the courfe of the difcuffion, not 
warranted by any thing he had advanced. 



Every gentleman who has fpoken in this debate, excepting 
the honourable gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Wright) ad- 
mits that the United States have an indifputable right to the 
free navigation of the river Miffiflippi, and to a place of de- 
pofit in the ifland of New-Orleans. — All agree that this right 
is of immenfe magnitude and importance to the weftern coun- 
try. — All agree that it has been grofsly and wantonly violated 
— And all agree, that unlefs the right be reftored and fecured, 
we mud and will go to war. — Upon what then do we really 
differ ^ Upon nothing but the time of afling. — Whether we 
fhall take raeafures for immediate refloration and fecurity, or 
whether we fliall abftain from all m^ilitary preparation, and 
wait the iffue of negociation. There is no difagreement but 
upon this point ; for if negociation fails, every man who has 
fpoken has pledged himfelf to declare war. 

A number of the objeftions made againfi: the adoption of 
meafures we have propofed, deferve to be noticed. 

The honourable gentleman from New York (Mr. Clinton) 
when compofing his fpeech, had made an elaborate refearch in- 
to ancient and modern hiftory, for the purpofe of fliewing what 
had been the praftice of nations. — He had collefted all the ob- 
jections together and claffed them under three heads. — Other 
gentlemen who had fpoken in oppofition had taken nearly the 
fame ground, and made in fubflance the fame objeftions : He 
would, therefore, follow the arrangement made by the honour- 
able gentleman (Mr. Clinton) and he was perfuaded that it 
would be eafy to fliew, he had in many infliances miflaken the 
mod material features of the authorities he had adduced, and 
more than once miftated the pofitions which he undertook to 
refute. — He has, however, admitted the magnitude of the 
right, that it has been violated, and that if negociation fliould 
fail we muft go to war. — He has made objeftions under three 
heads. 

1. The infraction may be unauthorifed. 

2. Negociation ought, in all cafes, to precede the employ- 
ment of force. 

3. Reafons of policy diiTuade from ufmg force at prefent, 
evenfuppofmg we havejuft caufe of immediate war. 

The firfl objection had alreadv been amply refuted by the 
gentleman from New-Jerfey (Mr. Dayton) the gentleman from 
Malfachufetts (Mr. J. Mafon) and the gentleman from Dela- 



ware (Mr. White.) He would only further remark, that whe- 
ther authorifed or not, is not now very material. — If authori- 
fed, the temper the defignmufl certainly be that of an enemy, 
and you ihould aft accordingly. — If unauthorifed ; feize the 
culprit and fend him home to his mafler, who will punilh him 
for a breach of duty — Let him anfwer with his head for em- 
broiling two friendly nations who wifli to live in peace. — Why 
wait till yoa can fend three thoufand miles and enquire whether 
he had orders or not ? — He is vifibly a wrongdoer : remove 
him, and proteft what he would wreft from you. — No man 
when proceeding on the highway to market, and flopped by 
his neighbour's fervant, would fend out into the country to 
enquire whether his mafter had aurhorifcd the outrage. — ^'o, 
he would punidi and remove the aggreffor and proceed on his 
journey, leaving the circnmftance of orders, or no orders to 
be fettled between himfelf and the m liler afterwards. — Be- 
fides, in this inftance, the perfon inflifting the injury declares 
he has no right to the country, if fo. why make enquiry 
whether he has orders ? No orders could give him authority 
to interfere with your unqueftionable right, where his mafter 
pretends to no right himfelf. 

Under this head of aggreffion and fpoliation, the fenator 
from New-York (Mr. C.) in a tone and manner little deco- 
rous in debate, had declared it to be within his (Mr. R's) 
knowledge, that indemnity had been provided by Spain for 
the fpoliations committed upon our trade, and yet the affer- 
tion had been made, that Spain had refused all redress for 
injuries of that kind ; and the gentleman alluded to documents 
before thefenate which were under the injunction of secrecy. 

Sir, faid Mr R. I have fcen thofe documents, and I now 
repeat and re-affert, that I know nothing to warrant the 
opinion or belief that Spain will make compenfation for all 
fpoliations of our merchants, or for the greater part or mafs 
of them. — I certainly never did fay that Spain had refufed all 
redrefs ; for it will be recollefted by all prefent, that I ex- 
prefsly ftated, the other day- the injuries done to us by the 
Spaniards themselves in every place they had found our flag — 
and that our 'uefflls were carried into their ports by French 
cndfers, condemned witboui the femblance of ei trial, and our 
citizens thrown into ptifon. — That if we took poiTeffion of the 
country on the MifTilTippi we Ihould have an ample fund in our 



^^fef%' 



hands to compensate all our merchants who had fuffered 
from the condud of the Spaniards : — That the merchants 
would willingly accept fuch an advantageous offer : — and 
that otherwise there was no reafon to hope that they would 
all be indemmjied : and I now return to that gentleman his own 
words, that he does know, and muft be fenfible, from the 
very documents he has alluded to, that there is little if any 
hope that the great body of injuries and loffes fustained by 
our merchants from the Spaniards in different quarters of the 
world, and the conduft of the French in Spanifh ports will 
ever be compensated or paid by Spain, unlefs in the mode 
that I had fuggested. 

The fame gentleman had faid, that we have no fafts refpect- 
ing Spanifti fpoliation authenticated and reported to us, and 
offers this as a further reafon for delay and negotiation. — The 
facts of fpoliation, and vexatious, opprcffive conduct towards 
our merchants, and feamen, as well on the fea as within the 
jurisdiftion of the Spanifti government, both in Europe and 
America, were fo notorious and of fuch extent and continu- 
ance, that no man could doubt, or deny the aggravated feries 
of outrage and oppreffion which we had experienced. — 
Although the executive, or other officers of government may 
not have collected and reported thefe complaints to this house, 
yet this forms no excuse for the aggreffors, much lefs a rea- 
fon why we should abftain from giving attention to them 
while confidering indignities of another defcription. But, 
that the gentleman might never again be able to fay that 
he had met with no authenticated cafe of fpoliation by the 
Spaniards, he would now produce and read one to the fenate, 
which had been delivered to him for the purpofe of obtaining 
the aid of our government to get reparation. — The men who 
had been robbed were induftrious inhabitants of the weliern 
country, who lived near PittftDurgh. — • hey defcended the 
Miffiffippi with a cargo of flour, and finding but a low mar- 
ket at New-Orleans, fliipped their flour on board of an Ame- 
rican veffel, and after being two or three days at fea, were 
taken by Spanifti veffels, carried into Campeachy, their flour 
fold, their captain cast into prifon, themfeives reftrained of 
their liberty ; feveral died in this captivity ; and thofe who 
returned home had no allowance made to them by the Spa- 
niards for their property thus unjuftly captured, and of courfc 



they only returned to witnefs the ruin of their families by a 
lofs of property which they had not the means of paying for, 
having purchafed on credit. There could be no excufe for 
the capture ; thefe men lived in the interior country, they 
were cleared out from a Spanilli port, in an American veflel : 
yet all thefe circumflances could not fave them from the rapa- 
city of the Spaniards. 

[Here Mr. R. read the protefl of feveral American citizens 
before Mr. Morton, the American conful at Havannah, dating 
the capture of their veflel, their captivity at Campeachy, 
the lofs of all their property, and that they lived in the weft- 
ern country, from which they had gone down the Ohio wit^ 
this flour to New Orleans.] 

Mr. R. faid here was a cafe of prodigious hardfliip and 
oppreflion arifmg out of the very trade and intercourfe which 
the Spaniards had at laft undertaken to obftruft and deftroy ; 
and therefore he thought it proper to be brought forward 
during this difcuflion, to fliew the temper and the conduft of 
thefe people towards us before they had proceeded to the laft 
extremities. 

The fecond objciH-ion taken by the gentleman from New- 
York (Mr. C.) and indeed by all who had fpoken againft the 
refolutions, amounted to this : — That every nation was bound 
to demand fatisfaftion for an injury before it employed force 
for redrefs ; and that a refufal of fatisfa^lion muft precede the 
afe of force. 

However humane or falutary the general principle might 
be, certainly it did not hold univerfally, or to the extent that 
gentleman contended. No book, no writer of authority, had 
ever contended that this principle fliould operate when the 
cflential rights, the well-being, or the peace of the country 
were expofed to danger, and the rule had no application but 
-to inferior or minor rights of the fociety, where delay and 
negociation might be fafely reforted to. — No man could fay, 
that this rule would hold where an army was marched to your 
frontier or landed upon your territory ; or a fleet blockaded 
your harbours, or demanded contribution from your feaports. 
— '^uch cafes admitted not of negociation : the intention of 
the afl^ailant was manifeft, the danger imminent, and immediate 
ufe of force and hoiiility unavoidable by the mod peaceable 
nation. — It would be faid that thefe were extreme cafes and 



formed exceptions to the general rule. — They certainly de- 
monftrated that the rule was not fo general as gentlemen 
contended for, and when the cafe at prefent under confidera- 
tion is carefully examined it will be found among thofe effen- 
tial and all important rights of the nation, which, when 
attacked, immediate force ihould be employed to repel the 
alTailant. In cafes of invafion, the mere poifeffion of a fmall 
portion of your foil, is not the primary confideration ; you 
are impreifed with the approach of further and more ferious 
injury. The hoflile intention is manifefl:, the aft fuch as to 
leave no doubt, and your right fuch as can never be abandon- 
ed.— So here, though there be no actual aggreiTion within the 
limits of your territory, yet you have a territorial right at- 
tached to your foil conliituting its only value, which is direftly 
attacked and deftroyed. Of what value is the territory when 
ftripped of this right ? Where is your independence, where is 
your fovereignty in that country without the unreftrained 
exercife of this right ? Without it the mere foil is of no value. 
It is an attribute infeparable from the fubflance. To attack it, 
is to attack your very exiltence, for it is the great artery of 
the weflern country, the circulation through which, when 
flopped, endangers convulfion and political death. The de- 
ftruftion of this right is a greater calamity, than a blockade 
of a feaport, or even a landing on the Atlantic coaft. — The 
mifchief is incurable. Can it then be faid when this vital part 
of the nation is aifailed, you will wait for information of the 
intent ? — You will enquire into the motives ^ You will not 
employ force to refill the attack, although you may be un- 
done before you can receive an anfwer ? You will hazard 
convulfion and diff.lution, becaufe poiTibly the aggrelTor has 
reafons for the outrage that you do not yet know ! — This 
cannot be wife, it cannot be die courfe which national ho- 
nour or fafety calls upon us to purfue ; becaufe you never 
can abandon the rieht now^ denied aiid wreiled out of your 
hands ; you can no m.ore abandon ir, than any other portion 
of country within your territorial limits, when invaded by an 
enemy.. 

But in whofe favour is this delay a/ked ? Wiih whom are 
you going to negociace foi ^paration of the injury ? Why 
with thofe, who, by their ovv^n confeiTioUj have no right in the 
country from which they exclude you. When you enquire 

B 



10 

of the court of Spain what has led them to this outrage, they 
may reply, we know and care nothing about it ; that country 
is no longer ours ; we have abandoned all claim to it, and 
ordered our officers to withdraw. — The title is now in ano- 
ther. Will this fatisfy you ? Will it rcdrefs the injury ? 
Where will you go next .''Or how long will you wait for an 
anfwer to the queftion of who turned us out of doors and 
keeps us out ? You have the fame reafons for a fecond as for 
the firft delay ; and in the meanwhile you are out of a6lual 
pofTeffion ; the wrongdoer is in. 

But, fir, we are triumphantly told, that it has been the 
praftice of all civilized nations to negociate before they go to 
war. Round alTertions, like general rules, are to be received 
with exceptions and great allowance. I difpute the faft ; 
although my argument does not need this kind of aid ; for I 
am perfuaded there is no precedent of an independent nation 
relying upon negociation alone, in fuch circumilances. If you 
go to books, or to the example of other countries, you will find 
no diftum of a writer, nor inftance of a flate, that will juftify 
the courfe now held by gentlemen on the other fide. For 
wherever the nation has been invaded, its vital interefts at- 
tacked, its exiftence drawn into hazard, its effential rights 
expofed to immediate deilru6tion, every writer and every 
ftate will bear you out in reforting without delay, to the 
ftrongefl means in your power for repelling the aggrefTor. 

The conduct of the Romans has been more than once 
mentioned — Their hiilory is handed down to us by themfelves, 
and even in that we fliall too often find, that while their mini- 
fters of peace were, affefting to demand reparation, the Con- 
ful had advanced with his eagles to the frontier, and was 
ready to enter the country where the negociation was pend- 
ing ; we fliall find that they negociated often and long, when 
it did not fuit them to commence an immediate attacic ; and 
the negociations, efpecially when at a diilance, were protrac- 
ted, until their armies had been recruited ; wars nearer home 
ended ; and every thing ready to firike a decifive blow. — But 
you have no instance of negociation without military prepara- 
tion, where the Roman territory was invaded, or a Roman 
treaty violated. 

Leaving antiquity, the honourable gentleman (Mr. G.) has 
^idduccd and exiulled the example of England in modern times, 



■< . >>' 



11 

and traced her through many fcenes both of negociation and 
war. But he did not dwell upon her conduft in the begin- 
ning of the war of 1756, when all the commerce of France 
was deftroyed by a general fweep, without a previous decla- 
ration of war ; and yet this was so certainly the cafe, that 
the gentleman mufl well remember it formed a fubjefl: of 
complaint, and was used to protraft the negotiation for a 
general peace in 1763. — He has alfo forgotten their conduft 
towards the Dutch during our revolutionary war ; and their 
late armament againll the Danes. — His comments alfo upon 
the conduft of their miniftry in 1762, were peculiarly unfor- 
tunate, becaufe we know, that the nation was afterwards 
a61-ually obliged to declare war againfl Spain, when fhe had 
full notice of their intention, and time to prepare for the 
attack ; whereas had war been waged when the hostility of 
Spain and her fecret alliance with France, were firfl; afcertained, 
they would have poflefTed prodigious advantages which were 
lofl by ineffeftual negociation and delay. 

I will not follow the gentleman to Nootka Sound, to the 
Bay of Honduras, or the Mufquito Shore ; but I will at once 
admit, that in cafes of minor rights, of fpoliation upon com- 
merce in time of war, nay in all cafes that do not involve the 
well-being, or national independence, negociation, and ami- 
cable adjuflment Ihould be reforted to ; and demand of repa- 
ration fhould precede adual hoflility. I will even fay, that were 
the Spaniards to crofs the Miffiffippi at the Falls of St. Anthony 
and build a fort on our fide of the river, place a garrifon in 
it, and thus actually invade our territory ; in my opinion we 
ought to negociate and demand explanations before we fent 
troops to demoiilh the fort. Although the a.£t would juflify 
the immediate ufe of force, yet the ilaiion is fo remote, and 
of fo little importance in the ufe of it, that friendly means 
might be fafely and wifely reforted to in the firft inflance. 

Quitting Kurope, the gentleman exultingly appeals to the 
ufages of our own country, in cafes which he alledges were 
either fimilar to, or ftronger than the prefent. The name of 
Washington is introduced to filence all further difpute on 
this queflion ! ! ! — Sir, I reverence the authority of that great 
man's official conduft. — He was the father of his country, 
the terror of its enemies, and the ornament of human nature. 
He is now gone to mix with the heroes and fages of other 



12 

times and nations in a happier world ; but it was eafily forc- 
feen that thofe who feldom agreed with him in his life, would 
be the firll after his death, to fly for fhelter to his example, 
when overtaken by calamity or misfortune ! That man led 
the armies of this country to viftory — to independence. — 
He knew better than any man the interefts, the feelings, the 
difpofitions of the people. — He witnefled the origin and pro- 
grefs of complaints on both fides refpe£ling the inexecution 
of the treaty of peace between us and Great Britain. We 
juftly reproached them with detention of the weftern pofts, and 
their refufal to deliver our flaves, as ftipulated by treaty : — 
They replied that we did not pay them our old debts. Thefe 
difputes became the fubjeft of negociation, under the old 
confederation, and we had a miniller in that country who 
attempted an amicable adjuftment. When General Wash- 
ington came to the head of our prefent government, he 
fent another minifter to that country, and while he was en- 
deavouring a peaceable accommodation, a florm broke out 
in France, which foon fpread beyond its own boundaries, and 
involved the neighbouring nations in war. The rulers of 
France, wiiliing to engage us in their quarrel, fent a minifler 
to this country with exprefs inftructions to embroil us, if pof- 
fible, in this defolating war. Unfortunately that minifter 
polTefled abilities and difpofition well adapted to fuch a mif- 
fion. He landed in a part of our country remote from the 
feat of government, and inftantly began to ilTue his commif- 
fions to our citizens not only to equip privateers and plunder 
the commerce of nations with whom we were at peace, but 
to inlifi; men and raife a military force wiihin the United 
States, for the purpofe of attacking the pofTeffions of Spain 
in Florida. He travelled onward from Charlefton towards the 
feat of government, making profelytes as he advanced, and 
gaining new adherents at every (lep of his journey. He was 
received with acclamations of the liveliefh joy in the capital 
city of this country, and after employing all the foothing arts 
of fraternization, civic feafts, and publick fpcftacle, he pro- 
ceeded, as before, with his commifTions, and actually infilled 
upon and exercifed the right of bringing into our ports and 
felling prizes taken from nations u'ith whom v/e were at peace. 
This minifler had the addrefs to feduce many of our citizens 
to inlifi under his banner ; and but too many, even of our 



«»v# 



13 

refpeftable men in high employment, applauded his conduft 
and gave his meafiires a countenance they did not deferve. 
AH ranks fecmed pleafed with the zeal and the boldnefs of 
the min.fter's mind, and an union of this country with France 
in the war feemed inevitable, as no effeflual fleps had been 
taken to reftrain this wild, extravagant condition of things 
among us. I mention not thefe events with a wifli to hurt 
the fenfibility of any one, for I know that this country was 
then without experience ; we had never before been in the 
relation of neutrality towards powers at war, and we enter- 
tained a lively affeftion for France, becaufe fhe had aided us 
in the revolution war, and was then, as we thought, con- 
tending for liberty herfelf. The refpe£lable men who, 
led away by their feelings, joined in the phrenzy of that 
time, would not now difplay I'uch opinions, or enter upon any 
publick aft to commit or endanger the peace and honed nu- 
trality of their country. 

Very unfortunately, however, we had then here a minifter 
from Great Britain who was but little inclined to promote 
good underiianding, and who probably tranfmitted difcoloured 
accounts of all that paiTed from day to day. Things were 
fufficiently wrong without any exaggeration of their enormity. 
When thefe accounts reached England, was it wonderful 
that they confidered war as begun ? Was it ftrange that they 
fhould count upon hoflility, when the ads of the people af- 
fumed but one complexion ; when the government had not 
taken means to do juflice and prevent fuch injuftice ; 
where their (hips were fold by their enemies and every indig- 
nity put upon their fubjefts ? Hence we may trace the orders 
for fpoliations ; Hence the talk of Lord Dorchtfter to the 
Indians, and the other aggreffions on the weftern frontier, which, 
however unjuftifiable, were not altogether without provoca- 
tion. 

In the meanwhile, the French minifter increafed in his ac- 
tivity and boldnefs of enrerprife, under the very eye of our 
government ; he multiplied his complaints againft the execu- 
tive, and his careifes and profeffions upon the people, until 
at laft, confident in his numbers and fupport, he fet the prefi- 
dent at defiance, and threatened an appeal to the people. At 
that awful crifis of delufion, Washington came forward, 
Mofes like, and put hirafelf in the gap between the peftilence 



14 

and the people. — He demanded the mlnifter's recal ; he was 
recalled — He arrefted the hands of our citizens who were 
armed to plunder in time of peace — He enforced the obferva- 
tion of the rules of juflice and neutrality. When thefe things 
became known in England, they produced a revocation of the 
orders to plunder our merchants. But the havoc and de- 
ftruftion had been dreadful ; we were highly and juflly incen- 
fed, the blood of both nations was up — It had fcarcely cool- 
ed, and was eafily roufed to be ready for war. If the Bri- 
tifh had not recalled their orders of November, 1793, we un- 
doubtedly fliould have inftantly gone to war.-^It would have 
been unavoidably, nay abfolutely neceflary. But when the 
revocation of thofe orders was known here, our Prefident 
confidered that our own conduft had not been perfectly regu- 
lar ; there was fome caufe of complaint againfl us, in the midft 
all the just complaints we had againfl the Britifli cruifers; there 
were alfo old differences which had created great uneafmefs 
between the two countries. In the recent caufes of quarrel 
we had been the firft in fuffering improper afts to be done by 
a foreign agent within our own territory which we ought to 
have prevented as neutrals. — Under all thefe circumftances, 
being already engaged in an Indian war, he refolved to try 
negociation. — An envoy extraordinary was accordingly fent. 
How does all this apply to the prefent cafe ? There had 
been old, unfettled differences with England — ours with 
Spain were fettled by the treaty of 1795. — There were hor- 
rible fpoliations upon our trade by Britain, but we had permit- 
ted a£i:s towards them with which we were obliged to reproach 
ourfelves. — Spain has alfo fpoiled our commerce, and to an 
immenfe extent, without provocation. For that, the cafe of 
England would fay negociate, and we have actually been ne- 
gociating. But had England blockaded your harbours, had 
file fliut out half a million of your people from accefs to the 
ocean, had flie clofed up the Chefapeake or the Delaware, 
would there have been negociation ? No. You would, you 
mufl have had immediate war. Such an invafion of the fove- 
reignty and independence of the country would have left no 
hefitation in the mind of any man ; but fortunately as our af- 
fairs then flood we were not obliged to refort to hoflilities. The 
man of high talents who undertook to negociate, fucceeded 
in forming a treaty between the two countries. — Such, how- 



ever, were the pafTions of the times, that the negociator was 
grofsly calumniated. The treaty was oppofed by the formida- 
ble array of all the artillery of popular opinion organized in 
town meetings, played off along the coafl: from Boflon to 
Charlefton under the diredion of the ablefl: engineer in this 
country. — Publick opinion was again fliaken, but finally peace 
was preferved, the treaty went fairly into execution, and even 
the negociator was elefted their governor, by the people of 
his own flate, where he prefided for a long time with honour 
to himfelf and infinite advantage to the interefts and peace of 
the fociety, until at length he retired from publick life, leav- 
ing an example which will always be ufefal for imitation, and 
ferve at the fame time as a fevere reproof to thofe who may 
materially depart from it. 

Our differences and negociations with England, then, fur- 
nilh an interefling and ferious view of the courfe we have ta- 
ken in troublefome times, but certainly do not prefent any 
thing like the prefent cafe. For although they adually held 
our weflern pofls and built a new fort at the foot of the rapids 
of Miami, yet, we had never been in poffeffion of thofe pods, 
we had not purchafed the country from the Indians, we had no 
fettlements near to it, no great portion of our citizens were 
obflruifled orcut off from the free exercife of their rights, and 
there were mutual complaints, perhaps mutual enquiries, be- 
tween the parties which feemed to require negotiation as the 
the only mode in which they could ever be terminated. 

Next comes our difference with Spain. To this it may be 
anfwered briefly : — That we made a treaty with that power ; 
difficulties arofe refpefting the execution of that treaty; we had 
not then been in the poffeffion or exercife of the rights claim- 
ed under the treaty. — The Spaniards delayed and evaded 
the execution, in a very unjuflifiable manner. — But the ad- 
miniftration of that day did not rely upon negociation alone ; 
they ordered troops to the Ohio, and had the Spaniards per- 
filled in their refufal, thofe troops would have afted decifively, 
without any new application to che court of Spain. — They faw 
the approaching ftorm ; they entered upon the execution of 
the treaty, by running the line, and giving up the poits ; and, 
if the war office be examined, gentlemen will find that our 
troops were then fo difpofed as to fall down the river Miffifiippi, 
and a6l with effect, at any raom.ent. It was well known to 



16 

us that Spain did not a£l in that bufinefs from the mere impiilfe 
of her own interefls or wiflies. She was then, and is flill, un- 
der the irrefiftible influence of a powerful neighbour, with 
whom we at that time had ferious differences — She was urged 
and puflicd forward by France. For Spain until flie became 
thus dependent upon France, has ranked high for her good 
faith, and, in my own opinion, defervedly higher than any 
other court in Europe. Slow to promife (lie has always ful- 
iiled her engagements with honour, according to the fpirit, 
without cavilling about the words of her treaties. 

When we were aware of all thefe things, when there was 
no abfolute refufal, but only delay and evafive excufes about 
the execution, not about the right, it would not have been 
wife to precipitate an abfolute rupture between the two coun- 
tries. 

The proceedings with France are next adduced. Thefe 
are frefli in the memory of every one, and need not be repeat- 
ed. There was no blockade, no denial of egrefs to the ocean, 
no invafion, no territorial difmemberment, no attack upon the 
country which required the immediate ufe of force. 1 rue, 
they captured your fliips^ they heaped indignities upon you ; 
but they alfo alledged that you had flrft broken the treaty of 
alliance. You negociated : what elfe could you do ? You 
had no navy. You could not go in quell of them, and they 
did not attempt to land on your fliores. When their agref- 
fions rofe to fuch a height as to be tolerated no longer, and 
defenfive war was refolved on, what was the conduft of the 
minority then ? Did they come forward and offer their fupport 
like the minority now ? No fir: they declared the adminillra- 
tion was blameable ; that the French had been provoked ; 
that peace was ftill attainable by negociation, and war at all 
events to be avoided. Look at the debates of that day, and 
you will difcover that many leading men contended that our 
own government was altogether in the wrong and France in 
the right. Such was the impreffion abroad, that Talleyrand 
infultingly boafted of a party in our own country and threat- 
ned us with the fate of Venice ; and when the facred right of 
embaffy was trampled upon, as flated by the honourable gen- 
tleman from New- York, ffill the cry at home was negociate, 
negociate. Surely there is very little if any refemblance 
between that cafe and this. However juflitiable a war would 



17 

have been then, we miift have gone abroad to feek our enemy ; 
now he has come to our doors, and (tripped us of what is 
molT: precious and dear to us as an independent nation. 

We are next told, under the third head of obje<5lions. 
That our national debt will be encreafed by war; that war will 
be the neceffary confequence of the refolutions ; that our 
objeft is war. 

Sir, our object is not war, but the attainment of fecurity 
for a right without which our union, our political exiflence, 
cannot continue. In feeking this fecurity, Ihould war arife, it 
will be a lefs evil than infecure and delufive hopes of tran- 
quillity. No doubt war will increafe your publick debt, but 
not more nor fo much as vain attempts to fecure this right 
another way, and after failing you muft have a war. 

But your merchants will not obtain indemnities for fpolia- 
tions. Their chance is but precarious now, and would be 
altogether as great in the way we propofe to take. 

Seaports will be blockaded and the Mifriifippi fliut. — The 
firft is not probable, and as to the lafl:, all the weftern people 
muft be fatisfied when they fee their country maintaining and 
alTerting their right^ The very effort to maintain it will con- 
fume a great portion of the refources and aiford an extenfive 
market to the aggrieved people, by fupplying your military 
force. 1 he river may as well be {hut up completely as be in 
its prefent condition. 

An honourable gentleman (Mr Wright) has faid that we 
may have a place of depofit within our own territory and 
navigate the river from thence. 

The gentleman certainly has not v/ell confidered this fubjeft. 
The nearell point upon our territory is three hundred miles 
from the fea. The river crooked, the current rapid, the 
anchorage bad. A favourable wind in one direftion of the 
river would be adverfe at the next bend. Ships could never 
afcend in any reafonable time, nor could they gain any point on 
our own territory when they are forbidden to touch the fliore 
even to faften a cable or towline. Without the previlege of 
the fliore, the navigation would be imprafticable. 

I'he honourable gentleman from New-York had advanced 
a moft extraordinary pofition ; — That if our adverfaries have 
time to prepare we alfo have time to prepare — Yet he refifts 
the refolutions and propofes no effe(5lual military preparations. 

G 



18 

While they are bufy we are to be idle — When they make 
the ftroke, we are in our prefent clefencelefs flate. N^xt 
year we fhall be as weak and expofed as now, our commerce 
equally fcattered over the ocean, our feaports as defencelefs, 
our army and navy as weak, and they have then poffcffion of 
the difputed fpot with an armament to annoy us and maintain 
their poffefTion. 

The honourable gentleman from Kentuckey (Mr. Brecken- 
ridge) difclaims all apprehenfion of difguft, or difaifeflion 
among his conflitucnts or any of the weflern people. They 
were not always in this mild, forbearing temper upon the fub- 
jeft of the MiffifTippi. It mufl: be in the recollection of that 
gentleman, that Mr. Genet fent emiifaries into Kentuckey, 
diflributed commiilions there for enlifiing men, and raifmg 
an army to take New-Orleans, and open the navigation of the 
Miffiilippi to the weftern people. A very gallant and able 
officer accepted the commifTion of general on this expedition, 
and would undoubtedly have executed it, had not the recal 
of the French minifter, and the failure of the promifed refour- 
ces defeated the enterprize. What reafon was there to fuppofe 
they would be more forbearing now ? That officer was (till 
alive, and if he were to ere61: his ftandard, the confequences 
could not be very doubtful. 

The honourable gentleman from Georgia (Gen. Jackfonj 
agrees with us in every thing except as to the titne of ading. 
He wiflies to make an experiment at negociation, but admits 
the magnitude of the dilpute, and that it involves the very 
exillence of Georgia and the fouthern flates. 

If the late events had happened upon St. Mary's, or if the 
Savannah had been fliut up by the Spaniards, there would 
have been little doubt of the courfe that gentleman would 
have purfued. The news of the aggreffion and of the ag- 
greffi^rs' graves would have reached the feat of government 
by the fame mail. He would not have waited to enquire by 
whole orders they came there, or whether they could be ne- 
gociated out of Georgia. 

Although the honourable gentleman difagrees with us as to 
the time of afting, yet he has very honourably pledged him- 
felf for the ultimate refult, fliould negociation fail, and while 
it is impoffible to agree with what he has faid refpeding the 
ordinary force of the country driving the new occupants from 



19 

their faflnefTes and forts in the marfiies of Florida or New- 
Orleans, yet, fir, there can be no doubt that the fpirit which 
difdains to think of the hazard of fuch an enterprize is of the 
utmoft value to our country. For my own part, I have a plea- 
fure in declaring my wifli that the gentleman now lived on 
the MiiTiffippi, and that he had authority from this government 
to aft : I fliould have no doubt of the refult, nor of the con- 
fidence and univerfal confent with which he would be fupport- 
ed. But he is certainly too much a foldier not to difcern that 
previous poiTeiTion by a powerful enemy will require the 
labours and blood of a difciplined army, and the delay and 
fkill requifite for the attack of a fortified country. 

We come now to confider the refolutions offered as a fub- 
ftitute — It is highly gratifying to find that gentlemen are at 
lafi: inclined to aft — To do fomething like defending the rights 
of our country — Is there any new fliape given to this bufinefs 
by the propofed fubftitute? We propofe 50,000 militia — 
They fubflitute 80,000. — To do what? Will gentlemen tell 
us the difference ? — It is faid ours are abfolutely imperative ; — 
If fo, alter them and give an unqualified difcretion. — We 
will agree to it. My own opinion is that they fliould be im- 
mediately afted upon. If the majority wifli for a bare dif- 
cretionary power, I alfent to it. There is no difference except 
that one fet of refolutions puts greater power into the hands 
of the Prefident than the other. Are gentlemen on the other 
fide afraid to trufl the Prefident ? Do they think he will abufe 
this power ? Will it hurt the negociation ? Inftead of hurting 
it, our minifler ought to carry this aft to Europe with him. 
He is not yet gone and it may be fent with him — He would 
then have more means and more forcible arguments to urge 
in his negociation. 

This whole fubjeft was known at the meeting of congrefs; 
yet no ftep taken till our refolutions were propofed. Now 
gentlemen are willing to do fomething ! — They feem willing 
to give means to a certain extent. Why not amend our refo- 
lutions, when their own are but a qualification of ours ? We 
have but feven days to the end of this feffion. Why difpute 
about a fubflitute, when amendments may be made to meet 
gentlemen's wifhes ^ They agree to go a certain length ; 
then fay fo, and ftrike out the reil. Certainly we will go 
with you as far as you propofe, for we have offered to go 
farther. 



20 

But gentlemen fay they have full confidence in the nego- 
ciation. Be it fo — I cannot doubt the aflertion of the gentle- 
man, although I draw a different conclufion from tl^e fame fafts. 
But let me prefent this queflion in a new fhape, not yet offer- 
ed in this houfe. We are not deliberating about the right of 
depofit in New-Orleans merely, nor about the illand of New- 
Orleans ; we are told that we are to look for new and power- 
ful neighbours in Louifiana. What right has Spain to give us 
thefe neighbours without confulting us ? To change our pre- 
fent fecurity into hazard and uncertainty ? I do not believe 
that Spain has any right to do fo. What are the limits of 
Louifiana ? It extends three thoufand miles upon your frontier. 
New- Orleans is ceded with it. Then the province of Louifi- 
ana and New-Orleans lie between the Floridas, and the 
other Spanifli dominions on this continent. It is not difficult 
to pronounce who will command and own the Floridas. They 
muff belong to the mafter of Louifiana and New-Orleans. 
Then the owners poffefs the lock and key of the whole wefl- 
ern country. There is no entrance or egrefs but by their 
leave. They have not only 3,000 miles on your frontier in 
the interior country, but they have the command of your out- 
let to the ocean and 700 miles of lea-coafl embracing the 
fined harbours in North- America. This makes them, in 
faft, mailers of the weflern world. What will you give them 
for this enviable dominion ? Not territory, for you have 
none to fpare and they want none. Not commercial privile- 
ges—they Vv^ill not want them, for they will then have 
enough and to fpare — -What equivalent have you ? What 
can you offer to men who know the value of fuch a country ? 
What would this fenate take for the furrender of fuch an 
eftabli lament were it ours ? Let every fcnator alk himfelf the 
que'^ion .'nd declare by what rule of eftimation his anfwer 
would be diftated. 

But 1 know it has been faid, and will be faid again, that 
the new French owners will confirm or permit our right of 
depofit and free navigation of the Miffiffippi. — They will open 
a free port and give us all we defire. 

Yes, fir, this would be the unkindeft cut of all. I fear 
much lefs the enmity of the prefent poffeffors, than fuch 
ueiohbours. We fliall hold by their courtefy, not by the 
proteftion of our own government. They will permit, but you 



21 

cannot inforce. They will give us all the advantages we now 
have and more : But will it be for nothing ? Will they a/k 
HO return ? Have they no ulterior views ? No — During this 
infidious interval they will be driving rivet after rivet into 
the iron yoke which is to gall us and our children. We muft 
go to market through a line of batteries manned by veterans ; 
and return home with our money through a fortified camp. 
This privilege will be held at their will, and may be withheld 
whenever their Intendant forbids its further continuance. 

No doubt my earneftnefs may have betrayed me into ex- 
prefTions which were not intended. Every honourable gentle- 
man will therefore confider me as addreiTmg his reafon and 
judgment merely, without meaning to^ve caufe of offence. 
But I cannot conclude without addreiffl^ myfelf particular- 
ly to thofe fenators who reprefent the ^flern flates. I en- 
treat them to remember that thefe refolutions are intended to 
veil a power which may or may not be ufed as events arife. 
If events fliould fliew in the recefs that negociation mufl fail, 
what is the Prefident to do ? He mufl call congrefs. This 
will confume time, and the enemy gains immenfe advantages, 
^^y not. put 3. force at his difpofal with which he can 
ftrilJe f With which he can have a pledge for your future well- 
being ? When the Atlantic coail is willing, fliall this fecurity 
be lofl by your votes ? Are you fure that you will ever 
again find the fame difpofition ? Can you recal the decifivc 
moment that may happen in a month after our adjournment ? 
Certainly the country may be in fuch a flate that at the next 
feffion you will have no fuch offer as at the prefent moment. 
There may be a prefiure which would forbid it. Heretofore 
you have diftrufted the Atlantick flates ; now when they of- 
fer to pledge themfelves, meet them and clofe with the pro- 
pofal. If the refolutions are too flrong, new model them. 
If the means are not adequate, propofe other and more 
effeftual meafures. But as you value the befl interefts of 
the weftern country, and the union with the Atlantick coafl, 
feize the prefent occafion of fecuring it forever. For the pre- 
fent is only a queflion of how much power the executive fliall 
have, for the attainment of this great end, and no man defi- 
rous of the end ought to refufe the neceffary means for at- 
taining it. Your voice decides the direftion this fenate will 
take, and I devoutly wiih it may be one we fliall never repent. 



22 

It was four o'clock when Mr. Rofs concluded his fpeech. 

Mr. MORRIS 

moved an adjournment. This was refufed. He then rofe and 
addrelTed the prefident as follows : 

Mr. President, 

I RISE with reluftance on the prefent occafion. 
The latcnefs of the hour forbids me to hope for your patient 
attention. The fubjeft is of great importance, as it relates to 
other countries, and ftill greater to our own : yet we mud de- 
cide on grounds uncertain, becaufe they depend on circum- 
ftances not yet arrived. And when we attempt to penetrate 
into futurity, after j^erting the utmoft powers of reafon, aid- 
ed by all the lights miich experience could acquire, our clear- 
eft conceptions are involved in doubt. A thoufand things may 
happen which it is impoffible to conjecture, and which will 
influence the courfe of events. The wife Governor of all 
things hath hidden the future from the ken of our feeble un- 
derftanding. In committing ourfelves, therefore, to the exa- 
4E««ib^ minati on of what may hereafter arrive, we hazard jj^ ^flltuU ^ 
on contingencies we cannot command. And when events fliall 
be paft, we fliall be judged by them^ and not by the reafons 
which we may now advance. 

There are many fubjefts which it is not eafy to underftand, 
but it is always eafy to mifreprefent, and when arguments can- 
not be controverted, it is not difficult to calumniate motives. 
That which cannot be confuted, may be mift:ated. The pu- 
reft intentions may be blackened by malice ; and envy will 
ever fofter the fouleft imputations — This calumny is among 
the fore evils of our country. It began with our earlieft fuccefs 
in feventy-eight, and has gone on with accelerated velocity 
and encreaflng force to the prefent hour. It is no longer to 
be checked, nor will it terminate but in that fweep of gene- 
ral deftruftion, to which it tends with a ftep as fure as time, 
and fatal as death. I know that what I utter will be mifun- 
derftood, mifreprefented, deformed, and diftorted ; but we 
muft do our duty — This I believe is the laft fcene of my pub- 
lick life ; and it fliall, like thofe which preceded, be per- 
formed with candour and truth. Yes, my noble friends [ad- 
drefling hirafelf to the federal fenators near him] we ihall foon 



> 23 

part to meet no more. But however feparated, and wherever 
difperfed, we know that we are united by juft principle and 
true fentiment. A fentiment, my country, ever devoted to you, 
which wiIf%B:pire only with expiring life, and beat in the laft 
p ulfation of our hearts. 

Mr. Prefident, my object is peace. 1 could aflign many 
reafons to (hew that this declaration is fmcere. But can it be 
neceflary to give this fenate any other alTurance than my 
word ? Notwithftanding the acerbity of temper which refults 
from party flrife, gentlemen will believe me on my word. I 
will not pretend, like my Hon. colleague (Mr. Clinton) to de- 
fcribe to you, the wafte, the ravages, and the horrors of war. 
I have not the fame harmonious periods, por the fame mufical 
tones f neither fliall 1 boaft of chriftian^charity, nor attempt 
to difplay that ingenuous glow of benevolence fo decorous to 
the cheek of youth, which gave a vivid tint to every fentence 
he uttered, and was, if poflible, as impreflive even as his elo- 
quence. But though we polfefs not the fame pomp of words, 
our hearts are not infenfible to the woes of humanity. We 
can feel for the mifery of plundered towns, the conflagration 
of defencelefs villages, and the devaflation of cultured fields. 
Turning from thefe features of general diflrefs, we can enter 
the abodes of private affliction, and behold the widow weep- 
ing as flie traces, in the pledges of connubial affeftion, the re- 
femblance of him whom (lie has loft: forever. We fee the 
aged matron bending over the afhes of her fon. — He was her 
darling ; for he was generous and brave, and therefore his 
fpirit led him to the field in defence of his country. We can 
obferve another opprefled with unutterable anguifli. Con- 
demned to conceal her affedlion ; forced to hide that paffion 
which is at once the torment and delight of life, flie learns 
that thofe eyes which beamed with fentiment are clofed in 
death ; and his lip, the ruby harbinger of joy, lies pale and 
cold, the miferable appendage of a mangled corfe. Hard, 
hard indeed muft: be that heart which can be infenfible to 
fcenes like thefe, and bold the man who dare prefent to the 
Almighty Father a confcience crimfon'd with the blood of his 
children. 

Yes, fir, we wifti for peace : but how is that blefiing to be 
preferved ? I fliall repeat here a fentiment I have often had 
occafion to exprefs. In my opinion, there is nothing worth 



24 

fighting for but national honour : for in the national honour 
is involved the national independence. I know that a ftate 
may find itfelf in fuch unpropitious circumflances.that prudence 
may force a wife government to conceal the fenfe of indignity. 
But the infult fliould be engraven on tablets of brafs wi[h a 
pencil of fleel. And when that time and chance which happen 
to all Ihall bring forward the favourable moment, then let 
the avenging arm flrike home. It is by avowing and main- 
taining this ftern principle of honour, that peace can be pre- 
ferved. But let it not be fuppofed that any thing 1 fay has 
the flighted allufion to the injuries fuflained from France while 
fuffering in the pangs of her revolution. As foon ihould I 
upbraid a fick man^r what he might have done in the pa- 
roxifms of difeafe. 3p^°^ '^ ^^'^ ''' ^^^"^ fentiment : it was felt 
and avowed at the cime when thefe wrongs were heaped on 
us, and I appeal for the proof to the files of your Secretary of 
State. The deftinies of France were then in the hands of 
monfters. By the decree of Heaven flie was broken on the 
wheel, in the face of the world, to warn mankind of her folly 
and madnefs. But thefe fcenes have pal^ away. On the 
throne of the Bourbons is now feated the firfl of the Gallic 
Ccefars. At the head of that gallant nation is the great, the 
greateff , man of the prefent age. If becomes us well to con- 
fider his fituation. The things he has achieved compel him 
to the achievmcnt of things more great. In his vafi: career 
we mufl foon become objeds to command attention. We too 
in our turn mull concend or fubmit. By fubmiifion we may 
indeed have peace alike precarious and ignominious. But is 
this the peace which we ought to feek ? Will this fatisfy the 
juft expeftation of our country ? No. Let us have peace per- 
manent, fecure, and, if I may ufe the term, independent. Peace 
which depends not on the pity of others but on our own 
force. Let us have the only peace worth having, a peace 
confiitent with honour. 

A gentleman near me (Mr. Jackfon) has told us the anec- 
dote of an old courtier who faid that the interefi: of his nation 
was the honour of his nation. I was furprized to hear that 
idea from tbat gentleman. But it was not his own. Such is 
that gentleman's high fenfe of his perfonal honour, that no 
interelt would induce him to facrifice it. He would not per- 
mit the proudefl prince on earth to blot or foil it. Millions 



25 

would not purchafe his honour, and will he feel lefs for the 
honour offlU country? No, he will defend it with his beft 
blood. He "will feel with me that our national honour is the 
befl fccurUy- for our peace and our profperity. That it in- 
volves ^once our wealth and our power. And in this view 
of the fubjeft I muft contradict a fentiment which fell from my 
honourable colleague (Mr. Clinton). He tells us that the 
principle of this country is peace and commerce. Sir, the 
avowal of fuch principle will leave us neither commerce nor 
peace. It invites others to prey on that commerce wtiich we 
will not protect, and fliare the wealth we dare not defend. 
But let it be known that you (land ready to facrifice the laft 
man and the laft: (hilling in defence of your national honour, 
and thofe who would hav^e alfailed will beware of you. 

Before I go into a minute confideration of this fubje^l I will 
notice what the gentlemen oppofed to me have faid on the law 
of nations. But I mud obferve that, in a conjundture like 
the prefent, there is more found fenfe and more found policy 
in the firm and manly fentiments which warm the hearts of 
my friends from ielaware, than in all the volumes upon all 
the flielves of the civilians. Let us however attend to the rc- 
fults of thofe logical dedu(5i:ions which have been made by wri- 
ters on the law of nations. The honourable m.ember from 
Kentucky (Mr. Breckenridge) has told us that fovereigns 
ought to fliew a fmcere defire of peace, and fliould not haf- 
tily take offence, becaufe it may be that the offenfive ail was 
the refult of miftiake. My honourable colleague has told us, 
that among the juftifiable caufes of war are the deliberate 
invafions of right, and the neceffity of maint::'.ining the ballance 
of power. He has told us further, that attempts fliould al- 
ways be made to obtain redrefs by treaty, unlefs it be evident 
that redrefs cannot be fo obtained. Ihe honourable member 
from Georgia near me, informs us, that the thing we would ol - 
tain by war fliould be important, & thefuccefs probable, Sz that 
war fliould be avoided until it be inevitable. The honourable 
member from Maryland (Mr. Wright) has explained to u-j 
the cafe cited by the gentleman from Kentucky, as being that 
of a wrong done by a private citizen. Under the weight of 
all this authority, and concurring with gentlemen in thefe their 
pofitions, I iliall take leave to examine the great queftion we 
a,re called on to decide. I fliall moreover fully and entirely 

D 



a;^ree with the honourable member near me in another point. 
He has, with the ufual rapidity of his mind, feized the whole 
obje£>. He tells us, and he tells us truly, that the ifland af 
Orleans and the two Floridas are efTential to tWs country — 
They are joined, fays he, by God, and fooner or laterjve must 
and will have them. In this clear and energetick flatement I 
fully agree ; and the greater part of what I have to fay will 
be but a commentary on the doftrines they have advanced, 
an elucidation of their pofitions, and the confirmation of that 
llrong 6bncIufion. 

In order to bring this extenfive fubjeft within fuch bounds 
as may enable us to take a diftant view of its feveral parts, I 
fliall confider firft, the exifting ftate of things : 2dly, the confe- 
quence to the United States of the polTeiTion of that country 
by France : 3dly, the confcquence to other nations : 4thly, the 
importance of it to France herfelf : 3thly its importance to 
the United States if poiTefTed by them ; and having thus exa- 
mined the thing itfelf in its various relations, the way will be 
open to confider, 6thly, the effect of negociation : and then 
7thly, the confequences to be expeded from taking immedi- 
ate polfeffion. 

Before I confider the exifting flate of things, let me notice 
what gentlemen have faid in relation to it. 1 he honourable 
member from Kentucky has told us, that indeed there is a 
right arrefted, but whether by authority or not, is equivocal. 
He fays the reprefentative of Spain verily believes it to be an 
unauthorifed aft. My honourable colleague informs us there 
has been a clafhing between the governor and the Intendant. 
He fays we are told by the Spaniili minifter it was unauthori- 
fed. Notwithftanding thefe alTurances, however, my -honour. 
able colleague has, itfeems, fome doubts — But neverthelefs he 
prelumes innocence ; for my colleague is charitable. The hon- 
ourable member from Maryland goes farther, he tells us the 
minifter of Spain fays the Intendant had no fuch authority; 
and the minifter of France too, fays there is no fuch authority. 
Sir I have all poffible refpeft for thofe gentlemen, and every 
proper contidence in what they may think proper to communi- 
cate. I believe the Spanifli minifter has the beft imaginable 
difpofition to preferve peace ; being indeed the exprefs pur- 
pole for which he v»'as fent among us. 1 believe it to be an 
object near cO his heart, and which has a ftrong hold upon his 



27 

affections. I refpeft the warmth and benevolence of his feel- 
ings, but hemufl pardon me that I am deficient in courtly com- 
pliment, I am a republican, and cannot commit the interefts of 
my country to the goodnefs of his heart. 

What is the (late of things ? There has been a ceffion of 
the ifland of New-Orleans and of Louifiana to France. Whe- 
ther the Floridas have alfo been ceded is not yet certain. It 
has been faid, as from authority, and I think it probable. Now 
iir, let us note the time and the manner of this celTion. It was 
at or immediately after the treaty of Luneville, at the firii 
moment when France could take up a diflant objed of atten- 
tion. But had Spain a right to make this cefTion without our 
confent ? Gentlemen have taken it for granted that flie had. 
But I deny the pofition. No nation has a right to give to ano- 
ther a dangerous neighbour without her confent. This is not 
like the cafe of private citizens, for there, when a man is inju- 
red he can refort to the tribunals for redrefs, and yet, even 
there, to difpofe of property to one who is a bad neighbour 
is always confidered as an a6t of unkindnefs. But as between 
nations, who can redrefs themfelves only by war, fuch tranf- 
fer is in itfeif an aggreffion. He who renders me infecure, he 
who hazards my peace, and expofes me to imminent danger, 
commits an a6t of hoftility againfl me ; and gives me the rights 
confequent on that a£l. Suppofe Great Britain fhould give to 
Algiers one of the Bahamas, and contribute thereby to efta- 
blilh a neft of pirates near your coafts, would you not confider 
it as an aggreffion ? — Suppofe during the late war you had con- 
veyed to France a tra6t of land along Hiidfon's river, and the 
northern route by the lakes into' Canada, would not Britain 
have confidered and treated it as an aft of direft hoftility ? It 
is among the firft limitations to the exercife of the rights of 
property, that we muft fo ufe our own as not to injure another; 
and it is under the immediate fenfe of this reftridion that na- 
tions are bound to ad toward each other. 

But it is not this transfer alone. 1 here are circumftances 
both in the time and in the manner of it which deferve atten- 
tion. A gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Wright) has told 
you that all treaties ought to be publilhed and proclaimed for 
the information of other nations. I aik, was this a publick 
treaty .? No. Was official notice of it given to the govern- 
ment of this country ? Was it announced to the Prelident of 



28 

the United States, in the ufual forms of civility between na- 
tions who duly refpe£l: each other ? It was not. Let gentle- 
men contradi£lme If they can. They will fay perhaps that it was 
the omifTion only of a vain and idle ceremony. Ignorance 
may indeed pretend that fuch communication is an ena,pty com- 
pliment, vv^hich, elfabliflied without ufe, may be omitted with- 
out offence. But this is not fo. If thefe be ceremonies they 
are not vain, but of ferious import and are founded on flrong 
reafon. He who means me well, a6ts without difguife. Had 
this tdlhfadllon been intended fairly, it would have been 
told frankly. But it was fecret becaufe it was hoftile. The 
Firfl Conful in the moment of terminating his differences with 
you, fought the means of future influence and control. He 
found and fecured a pivot for that immenfe lever, by which, 
with potent arm, he means to fubvert your civil and political 
inftitutions. Thus, the beginning was made in deep hofli- 
lity. Conceived in fuch principles, it prefaged no good. Its 
bodings were evil, and evil have been its fruits. We heard 
of it during the lad feffion of congrefs, but to this hour we 
have not heard of any formal and regular communication 
from thofe by whom it was made. Has the king of Spain ? 
Has the Firfl Conful of France no means of making fuch com- 
munication to the Prefident of the United States ? Yes, Hr, 
we have a minifler in Spain ; we have a minifter in France. 
Nothing was eafier, and yet nothing has been done. Our 
firfl magiflrate has been treated witii contempt j and through 
him our country has been infulted. 

With that meek and peaceful fpirit now fo flrongly recom- 
mended, we fubmitted to this infult, and what followed .? 
That which might have been expected ; a violation of our 
treaty. An open and direct violation by a publick offirer of 
the Spaniili governraeni. This is not the cafe cited from one 
of the books. It is not a wrong done by a private citizen, 
which might for that reafon be of doubtful nature. No — It 
is by a publick officer. That officer in whofe particular 
department it v.'as to caufe the faithful obfervance of the 
treaty which he has violated. We are told indeed that there 
was a clafhing of opinion between the Governor and the In- 
tendant. But what have we to do with their domeftick broils ? 
The injury is done, we feel it. Let the fault be whofe it may 
the fullering is curs. But fay gentlemeD, the Spanifli mini- 



{ler has interfered to correft this irregular procedure. Sir, 
if the Intendant was amenable to the minifter, why did he 
not inforni.him of the ftep he was about to take, that the 
Prefident oi the United States might feafonably have been 
apprized of his intention, and given the proper notice to our 
fellow-citizens ? Why has he fi»il learnt this offenfive aft from 
thofe who fuffer by it ? Why is ^^Rfhs held up to contempt mmi . 
derifion ? If the Intendant is to b^controled by the minifter, 
would he have taken a ftep fo important without his advice ? 
Common fenfe will fay no. But, the bitter cup of humiliation 
was not yet full. Smarting under the lafh of the Intendant, 
the minifier foothes you with kind affurances, and fends ad- 
vice boats to announce your forbearance. But whije they 
arc on their way new injury and new infult are added. The 
Intendant, as if determined to try the extent of your ?heck- 
nefs, forbids to your citizens all communication with thofe 
who inhabit the fliores of the MiilifTippi. Though they 
fhould be flarving, the Spaniard is made criminal who fliould 
give them food. Fortunately the waters of the river are po- 
table, or elfe we fliould be precluded from the common bene- 
fits of nature, the common bounty of Heaven. What then, 
I alk, is the amounc of this favage conduft .? Sir, it is war. 
Open and direft: war. And yet gentlemen recommend peace, 
and forbid us to t;ike up the gauntlet of defiance. Will gen- 
tlemen fit here and (hut their eye^'JIw'the.ftate and condition 
of their country ? I fiiall not reply to what has been faid 
refpefting depredations on commerce, but confine myfelf to 
objefts of which there can be no fliadow of doubt. Here is 
a vad country given away, and not without danger to us. 
Has a nation a right to put thefe fiates in a dangerous fitua- 
tion ? No, fir. And yet it has been done, not only without 
our confent previous to the grant, but without obferving the 
common forms of civility after it was made. Is that wonder- 
ful man who prefides over the defiinles of France ignorant or 
unmindful of thefe forms ? See what was done the other day. 
He direfted his minifier to communicate to the Elector of 
Bavaria his intended movements in Switzerland and their ob- 
jeft. He knew the eleftor had a right to expert that infor- 
mation, although the greater part of Swabia lies betvv'een his 
dominions and Switzerland. And this ri.oht is founded on 
the broad principles already mentioned. 



'to' 



30 

As to the depredations on our commerce, they are numerous 
and of great importance, but my honourable colleague has 
told us our merchants are in a fair way of getting redrefs. I 
awn fir I am furprized at this information, which is, I prefume, 
a ftate fecret communicated from the executive department. 
My honourable colleague \;^o is the pattern of difcretion, 

nffea 



wmnui who was the monitof^|*ttffeatened to be the caftigator of 
thofe who from treachery^ weaknefs might betray or divulge 
the fecrets of the Senate, cannot pofTibly allude to any thing 
on our files. He has therefore received this information from 
fome other quarter, and I feci myfelf much obliged by his 
kind communication^ But he mufl pardon me, fir, that until 
it eona£,forvvard in fome body, fhape, or condition which I can 
grafp/am compelled to with hold my faith. 

H^ing thus examined the exiftent fliate of things, I pro- 
ceed to confider the confequence to the United States refulting 
from the poffefTion of that country by France. To this effeft 
I ihall fuppofe the Floridas to be included in her newly ac- 
quired dominion, and fliall ftate what I conceive to be the 
eonduft which ftie will purfue* She will I prefume confider 
herfelf as not bound by our treaty with Spain. Declaring 
this to the inhabitants of the weftern country, and repelling 
the claim of right, flie will (as matter of favour) give them 
unlimited freedom of trade to and from New-Orleans. At 
that place Ihe will a&fttj-twg riyv raife a confiderable duty on ex- 
ports to pay the expence of her garrifons and of the civil 
adminiftration. But to compenfate this, flie will probably 
give an exclufive privilege of commerce to her colonies, and 
obtain from Spain axid Holland fimilar privileges. Under 
thefe circumftances let us examine the general and particular 
confequences to this our country. 

The general confequences are thofe which affe^i: our com- 
merce, our revenue,, our defence, and what is of more impor- 
rance even than thefe, our union. Your commerce will fuf- 
fer becaufe you will no longer hold the means of fupplying 
the Welt-India illands fubjeft to your fmgle control, and 
becaufe all the export from New-Orleans, being, of conrfe, in 
French bottoms, your navigation will be proportionately diml- 
mftied. Your revenue will fuffer as much as your commerce. 
The extenfive boundary of more than two thoufand miles 
will be ftocked with goods for the purpofe of contraband 



Si 

trade. The inhabitants will naturally take their fiipplies m 
that way. You mud therefore multiply your revenue officers 
and their SaiUftants, and while your receipt diminiflies, the ex- 
pence of c<^lle6lion will be encreafed. As to what regards 
your defence, it is evident that the decreafe of your naviga- 
tion and revenue muft narrow your means of defence. You- 
cannot provide the fame force either by land or by fea ; but 
the evil does not ftop there. With this country in your pof- 
feffion you have means of defence more ample, more impor- 
tant, more eafy than any nation on earth. In a fliort time all 
the Weft-India iflands, fed from your granaries, raii(l depend 
on your will. And in confequence, all the powers of Europe 
who have colonies there, mull court your frienJfliip. Thofe 
rich fources of commercial importance will be as it were in 
your hands. They will be pledges for the amity of others in 
feas and dominions far remote. It is a defence which though 
it cofts you nothing, is fuperior to fleets and armies. But let 
the refources of America be divided (which muil happen when 
the French are mafters of New-Orleans) and all this power 
and influence are gone. One half your refources will be in 
their hands, and they will laugh at your feeble attempts with 
the other half. It is the intereft of this country that the pof- 
fefllons of European powers in the Wefl-Indies fliould be fe- 
eured to them. And in this view of the fubjeft it is important 
that the ifland of St. Domingo lliould be fubje61:ed by France^ 
it would therefore have been wife to have aided in that fubju- 
gation. There is indeed a fpecial reafon for it beyond the 
confiderations of exterior policy. That event will give to 
your flaves the conviiflion that It is irapoffible for them to be- 
come free. Men in their unhappy condition muft be inipelled 
by fear'and difcouraged by defpair. Yes. — 1 he impulfion of 
fear muft be ftrengrhened by the hand of defpair. Confider 
moreover your condition in the wars which are raoft likely to 
happen. Thefe muft be either with France or England. If 
with France your interior is ruined; if v/ith Fngland the 
<:ommerce of the Atlantic ftates will be diftreifed, and that of 
the weftern country too, though not perhaps in fo great a de- 
gree. Thus let the war be with which foever of thofe nations 
it may, one half of the United States muft be peculiarly injured j: 

and in all cafes It will be difficult for them to affift each other. 

1 he interior has no feamen for naval defence, the feaboard 



52 

can fend few if any troops beyond the mountains. This pow- 
erful influence of one nation on one great divifion of our coun- 
try, and of another nation on the remainder will tend to difunite 
us. The ridge of mountains will mark the line of diflinft 
interefts. The effeft of thofe differing interefts will be felt in 
your counfels. It will be evidenced on this floor. This mud 
be the cafe fo long as man is man. Look I pray at thofe na- 
tions. The enmity of France and England can terminate only 
by the fubje£lion of one to the dominion of the other. It 
mufl be by the compleat exertion of force and the utter im- 
pofllbility of refiftance. They are the Rome and Carthage of 
modern times. Their implacable fpirit will fl:imulate them to 
attempt a divifion of this country by fentiments of hatred, 
deadly as their own. Thefe eff'orts will, I hope, be vain : but 
with fuch powerful engines to operate on the intereft and the 
will, is there not danger to that union fo effential to our prof- 
perity ? There will be a conflant ftruggle in congrefs as to the 
kind of publick force which ought to be maintained. The one 
part will defire an army, the other a navy. The unyielding 
fpirit of party will perhaps prevent the fupport of either ; 
leaving the nation completely defencelefs, and thereby increa- 
fing the power of thofe who may influence or command our 
deiHnies. For let it be remembered that a nation without 
publick force is not an independent nation. In a greater or 
fmaller deforce flie will receive the \?i\v from others. 

Having thus confidered the effeft of this cefllon upon the 
United States^ in a general point of view, let us now examine 
it more particularly, as it regards the greater divifions of our 
country, the weflern, the fouthern, the middle, and the eafl- 
ern (fates. I fear, flr, I flia'l detain you longer than I inten- 
ded, certainly longer than the light of day will laft, notwith- 
ftanding my effort to comprife what I have to fay in the 
fmalleft compafs. As to the weftern ffates, the effects will be 
remote and immediate. Thofe more remote may be examin- 
ed under the twofold afpeft of peace and war. In peace they 
will fuffer the diminution of price for their produce. Ihe 
The advantage of fupplying the French, Dutch, and Spanifli 
colonies may at firit fight lead to a different opinion ; but 
when the port of New-Orleans is fluit to all but French fliips, 
there will no longer be that competition which now exiflis, and 
which always refults in the highefl price that commodities can 



bear. The French merchants have neither the large capital, 
nor have they the fteady temper and perfevering induftry 
which fofler commerce. Their invariable object in trade is to 
acquire fudden wealth by large profit ; and if that cannot be 
done, they abandon the purfuit for fome new proje^l. Cer- 
tain of the market, and certain of the increafmg- fupply, they 
will prefcribe the price both to thofe who cultivate and to 
thofe who confume. Such will be the effe<5l in peace. In a 
war with England the attention of her fleets to cut off fupplies 
from her enemies muft neceffarily affe£l the price of produce 
in a flill greater degree ; and in a war with France it will 
bear no price at all, until New- Orleans fha!l be wrefted from 
their grafp. Add to this the danger and the devaftation from 
the troops of that country, aided by innumerable hods of fa- 
vages from the weftern wilds. Such being the evident effects 
to be produced in times not far remote, the prefent evil fol- 
lows from the anticipation of them. The price of land muft 
be reduced from the certainty that its produce will become 
lefs valuable. i he flood of emigration to thofe fertile regions 
muft ceafe to flow. The debts incurred in the hope of ad- 
vantageous fales muft remain unpaid. The diftrefs of the 
debtor muft then recoil on his creditor, and, from the common 
relations of fociety, become general. 

What will be the effeft on the fouthern ftates ? Georgia, 
Carolina, and the Pvlifllflippi Territory are expofed to invafion 
from the Floridas and New-Orleans. There are circumftan- 
ces in that portion of America wliich render the invafion eafy, 
and the defence diiTiculr. Fenfacola, though the climate be 
warm, is among the hcalthieft fpots on earth. Not only a 
large garri Ton, but an army may remain there without hazard. 
At Fenfacola and St. Auguftine forces may be aflfembled to 
operate in that feafon of the year when the morafl^es which 
feparate them from our fouthern frontier no longer breathe pef- 
tilence. By what are thofe armies to be oppofed ? Will you 
call the militia from the north to afllft their fouthern brethern ? 
They are t#o remote. Will you to fecure their feafonable 
aid, bring them early to the fields they are ordered to defend ? 
They muft perifli. The climate more fatal than the fword 
will deftroy them before they fee their foe. The country ad- 
joining to our fouthern frontier is now in poflTeflion of the mcft 
numerous tribes of favages we are acquainted with. The 

E 



34 

accefs to it from New Orleans and the Floridas is eafy and 
immediate. The toys and gewgaws manufactured in France 
will be fcattered in abundance to win their affections and fe- 
duce them from their prefent conneClion. The talents of the 
French to gain the good will of the favages is well known, and 
the difpoiition of thofe uncultured men for war is equally no- 
torious. Here then is a powerful inftrument of deftruction 
which may be ufed againfl you with ruinous effecf. Befides, 
What is the population of the fouthern Itates ? Do you not 
tremble when you look at it ? Have we not within thele few 
days paffed a law to prevent the importation of certain dan- 
gerous chara(fl:ers .? What will hinder them from arriving in 
the Floridas and what can guard the approach from thence 
to our fouthern frontier ? Thefe pernicious emiffaries may Si- 
mulate with a profpeCt of freedom the miferable men v/hQ 
now toil without hope. They may excite them to imitate a 
fatal example, and to d.S: over thofe fcenes which fill our 
minds with horror. When the train lliall be laid ; when the 
confpiracy iliall be ripe ; when the armies of France fliall have 
reached your frontier, the firing of the firfl mufket will be a 
fign -1 for general carnage and conflagration. Jf you will not 
fee your danger now, the time mud foon arrive when you fliall 
feel it. 1 he fouthern flates being expofed to fuch imminent 
danger their reprefentatives may be made to know that a vote 
given in congrefs fliall realize the worfl: apprehenfions. You 
will then feel their danger even on this floor. 

Such being the probable refult, as to the fouthern what will 
be to the middle ftates ? Their trade to the Wefli-India iflands 
is gone the moment that country is in pofleflion of the 
French. England, to v/hofe dominions alone they can have 
recourfe for the vent of their produce and the purchafe of 
their fupplies, will confine that commerce to her own fliips. 
I fay the moment the French are in poflTefllon of New Orleans 
your Weft India trade is gone. I do not mean that this effect 
Vv'ill be fudden as a flafli of lightning, but it will be gone in a 
few years, which may be confldered as a momenl^when com- 
pared with national exiltence. You will then be dependent 
for chat trade on the good will of England, and, as your navi- 
gation dccreafes, your dependence will be flill greater, becaufe 
you will rely on her navy for your protection. I again repeat 
that when it fliall be a queflion in your councils whether you 



35 

wHI have a navy, the increafing weight of the weRern country 
will be thrown into the fcale of oppofition. They will infiil 
on an army for their protedtion. My honourable colleague 
has exprefled his fears from a (landing army. Sir, your pre- 
fent negligence will put you under the nectiTity of having fuch 
an army, and expofe you to all the confequences to be appre- 
hended from it. You may indeed remain united in a body as 
one nation, but with fuch contrarient interefts and opinions, 
with fentiments and views fo different, it will be a large and 
languifhing body without a foul. 

To the eaftern ftates, when feparately confidered this may 
appear a matter of lefs moment than to the other great divifi- 
ons of our country. But they will perceive in it the lofs of 
their navigation ; they will fee the theatre of their induflrious 
exertions contra6ted ; they will feel the lofs of the productions 
of that weftern world in the mafs of their commercial opera- 
tions J and above all they will feel the lofs of an ample re- 
fource for their children. Thefe wefiern regions are peculiarly 
their heritage. It is the property of the fathers of Ame- 
rica which they hold in trull: for their children. The exu- 
berant population of the eaflern ftates flows in a fteady 
ftream to the weftern world, and if that be rendered ufe- 
lefs, or pafs under the dominion of a foreign power, the 
faireft hope of pofterity is deftroyed. The time may come, 
and I fear it will come, when thofe who crofs the mountains 
will crofs the line of jurifdiftion. Whether we confider there- 
fore this objeCl in its relations to our general policy, or exa- 
mine its bearings on the greater divifions of our country, we 
•find ample reafon to agree with the gentleman near me, that 
New- Orleans and the Floridas muft not be feparatcd from the 
United States. 

Let us now confider the confequence of the ceflion we com- 
plain of to other nations, and this we may do generally and 
then more efpecially as to thofe who have a direft and imme- 
diate intereft in the tranfadion. In a general view the firfl 
prominent feature is the coloiTal power of France. Dange- 
rous to Europe and to the world, what will be the eifeft of 
a great encreufe of that power ! Look at Europe. One 
half of it is blotted from the liil of empire. Auftria, Ruflja, 
Pruffia, and Bricain are the only powers remaining, except 
Sweden and Denmark, and they are paralized. Where 



is Italy, Switzerland, Flanders, and all Germany weft of the 
Rhine ? Gone, fwallowed up in the empire of the Gauls. 
Holland, Spain, Portugal, reduced to a ftate of fubmiffion 
and dependence — What is the fituation of the powers that re- 
main ? Auftria is cut off from Italy, the great objeft of her am- 
bition for more than three centuries ; long the rival of France, 
long ballancing with the Bourbons the fate of Europe, flie 
muft now fubmit, and tacitly acknowledge to the world the fu- 
periority of her foe, and her own humiliation. Pruffia, un- 
der the aufpices of the great Frederick was at the head of a 
Germ.anick league to ballance the imperial power. Though 
united with Auftria for a moment in the hollow league of the 
coalition, ftie has, like Auftria, been actuated by a blind jea- 
loufy, and favouring the operations of France for the ruin of 
her rival, expected to ftiare largely in the general fpoil. In 
this fond hope ftie is difappointed ; ftie now fees the power 
of France at her door. There is not a fortrefs from the K hinc 
to the Baltic, except Magdebourgh, which the Firft Conful may 
leave on his left. The fertile plains near Leipfic contain the 
magazines for his armies when he fliall think proper to march 
to Berlin, Weftphalia and lower Saxony are open, on the 
fide of Flanders and Holland. The Maine prefents him a mi- 
litary road to the borders of Bohemia. By the Necker he 
approaches Ulm, and eftabliflies himfelf on the Danube. 
Thefe rivers enable him to take the vaft refources of his wide 
domain to the point where he may wifli to employ them. 
Menacing at pleafure his neighbours, he is himfelf fecured by 
a line of fortrelTes along his whole frontier. Switzerland, 
which was the only feeble point of his defence, and which 
feparated his Gallic and Italian dominions, has lately been 
fubjefted. The voice you now hear warned the Swifs of 
their fate more than eight years ago. The idea feemed then 
extravagant ; but realized, it appears but as a neccffary inci- 
dent. Ruffia is deprived of her influence in Germany, and 
thereby of a principal inftrument by which her policy might 
operate on the great powers of the fouth. The Germanick bo- 
dy is indeed in the hand of the Firft Conful. Three new elec- 
tors along the Rhine are under the mouths of his cannon. 
1 hey dare not fpeak — Speak ! None dare fpeak — Tbey dare 
not i'/.ii?ik anv thing inconfiftent with his wifhes. Even at their 
courtly fcaiis they fit like Damocles, deftru6tion fufpended over 



37 

their heads by a fingle hair. Would you know the fentiraent 
of England? Look at the debates. In the two houfes of parlia- 
ment they fpeak their fears. Such being the general fenti- 
ment of Europe, can it be fuppofed that they will view with- 
out anxiety a new extenfion of that power and dominion, the 
obje61: of their hatred and apprehenfion ? 

Will it be faid that there is a fecurity to the freedom of 
mankind from the moderation with which this enormous pow- 
er is to be cxercifed ? Vain delufion ! 1 his power is not the 
refult of accident. At the moment when France dethroned her 
fovereign it was eafy to forefee that a conteft mufl enfue in 
which her exiflence would be flaked againfl: the empire of the 
world. If not conquered by furrounding princes (and the 
hope of fuch conquefl: unlefs by the aid of her own citizens 
was idle) her numerous armies acquiring difcipline muft even- 
tually conquer. She had the advantages of fituation, and thofe 
which refult from union oppofed to councils uncertain and 
felfilh. It was eafy alfo to forefee that, in the fame progrefs 
of events, fome fortunate foldier would feat himfelf on the 
vacant throne : for the idea of a French republick was always 
a ridiculous chimera. Bonaparte has placed himfelf at the 
head of that nation by deeds which cafl a lullre on his name. 
In his fplendid career he mud proceed. When he ceafes to aft 
he will ceafe to reign. Whenever in any plan he fails, that 
moment he falls. He is condemned to magnificence. To him 
are forbidden the harmonies and the charities of focial life. 
He commands a noble and gallant nation paiTionately fond of 
glory. That nation Simulates him to glorious enterprize, and 
becaufe they are generous and brave they enfure his fuccefs. 
Thus the fame principle prefents at once the objeft and the 
means. Impelled by imperious circumdances he rules in Eu- 
rope, and he will rule here alfo, unlefs by^spgorous exertion you 
fet a bound to his power. 

Having call thus a rapid glance on the general flate of 
Europe it remains to look particularly at the condition of 
England and Spain fo far as they may be afFefted by the cef- 
fion of thofe provinces to France. England will fee in it an 
encreafe of commerce and naval force for her rival. She will 
fee imminent danger to her iflands and particularly to Jamaica. 
The climate of Penfacola has already been noticed. The 
pofition is of incalculable moment. During the fickly and 



38 

hurricane feafon, fleets and armies may wait there in fafety till 
their enemy fhall be enfeebled and unprotefted. Where will 
the Britiih fleers and armies be flationed with equal advan- 
tage ? If they aflc an afylum in your ports, you mufl refufe ; 
for fliould you liften to any fuch propofition your kindnefs 
would be confidered as a hoftile aggrefl^ion. The influence of 
France on the United States (which has already been noticed) 
will give double weight to her reprefentations. And this very 
influence is among the effefts which Britain mufl: deprecate. 
I have not time to dwell on this fubje^l, nor many others as 
fully as I ought. The condition of Spain is not lefs worthy 
of notice. No two nations on earth have more rooted hatred 
for each other than France and Spain. There are none more 
diflerent in eflVntial points of charafter. United however 
under fovereigns of the fame family, thefe antipathies were 
wearing away. But the fatal flroke which deftroyed the 
French monarch has fevered that band. Force has fince pro- 
duced not union, but fubmifllon. It is not in nature that the 
Spanifli king fliould fofler kindly fentiments for him who has 
decked himfelf in the fpoil of his houfe. The proud, the brave, 
and the loyal Caftilian groans under the yoke which galls him, 
but which he cannot break, and fickens at the recolleftion of 
his antient glory. His deep refentments are known, and it is 
to prevent their effe^ls that he has been compelled to make 
the cefllon of thefe provinces. France will then hold at her 
difcretion the Spanifli treafures, and the rich provinces of the 
New World. At the firfl; fympton of hoftile fentiment flie 
arrefts the means of aggreflion. Thus the dependence of 
Spain is rendered abfolute, and her chains are riveted for ever. 
Does Spain behold this flate of things with calm indiflerence ? 
No. She feels all the pangs of wounded pride driven to the 
neceflity of perpetuating its own humiliation. 

A few words after what has already been faid will fuflice to 
fliew the importance of thefe provinces to France. This re- 
fults from the influence on her rival, on Spain, and on the 
United States ; by means of the pofition, the refources and 
the means of aggreflion which thofe provinces afford. Enough 
has been faid of the pofltion. The refources are great and 
encreafing. Not only cotton and indigo will be furniflied 
for her manufactures, but fupplies and fubfiflence for her 
colonies and her troops. Thefe refources too will be at the 



39 

very point moft important both for defence and aggrefTion. 
The fame force will be ready to operate either againft En- 
gland, Spain, or America. Thus that force will be tripled 
in its moral effe£l, and influence alike the conduft of all 
againft whom it may be directed. To what has been faid on 
the facility with which we may be aifailed I might add 
much, but it is unneceflary. It behoves us however to con- 
fider well the fpirit of the French government, which in 
all its changes has never loft fight of this obje£l. The 
French minifter Mons. De la Luzerne, when congrefs were 
deliberating on the ultimata for peace, obtained a refolution 
that our miniHers ftiould, as to our weftern boundary, treat 
under the dictation of France. Our minifters difdained the 
condition, and rcfufed to obey. 1 heir manly conduct ob- 
tained for you the countries whofe fate is now fufpended on 
your deliberations. Never, no never has France loft fight 
of Louifiana. Never for a moment has flie been blind to 
its importance. Thofe who, driven from her bofom into exile, 
wandered about among us, have gathered and communicated 
the fuUeft information. While they enjoyed your hofpitality 
they probed your weaknefs, and meditated the means of 
controlling your conduft. Whatever may be the fair ap- 
pearances, rely on it that every Frenchman bears with him 
every where a French heart, and fo he ought. I honour him 
for it. O ! that Americans had always an American heart ! 

It remains to notice the advantage of this country to the 
United States, as it may relate to our power, our peace, our 
commerce, and above all, to our freedom. As to our power 
fomething has already been faid on the peaceful influence 
which refults from the dependence of colonies belonging to 
the great nations of i'^urope — add to this that the product of 
thofe colonies muft pafs by our doors and be expofed to our 
cruifers. A further advantage is to be found in the ready 
means of invaflon f'in concert with the troops of others) if 
driven to the neceiTity of war. '1 he poflTeftion of power will 
give us not only fecurity but peace. Peace indeed can never 
be fafe but by the aid of power. Our difpofition is pacifick. 
It is our intereft to be at peace, and the form of our go- 
vernment while it fecures to us the enjoyment of as much 
liberty as is poflible, renders it particularly imprudent to rifque 
in war any change of the conftitution. Grant us thefe pro- 



40 

vinces and we can di£l-ate the conditions of our commerce 
with the iflands. PoireiTed of them it will be doubly lucrative, 
and without them wholly uncertain. There is another ftream 
of profitable trade which will then flow in our channels. 
The rifque and difficulty which Spain experiences in bringing 
home her treafures when flie is at war, will naturally fuggefl: 
the advantage of remitting them through this country. The 
Produce of the Mexican mines may then be fliipped dire£lly 
to Afia. It will be paid for to Spain by bills on the com- 
mercial nations, and thus furnifli to her the eafy means of 
obtaining the fupplies (he may (land in need of. The bullion 
will be fo much the more valuable as the danger and expence 
of tranfportation are diminifhed. This, therefore, would have 
a beneficial refull upon the whole commercial world. It would 
more efpecially emancipate Spain from her prefent thraldom. 
It would give a happy change to all her interior adminiftra- 
tion, and increafe both her abfolute and relative force. Let 
me fay here that it is our intereft to preferve the authority of 
Spain over her American territory. We have enough of 
our own. We can have no wifh to extend our dominion. 
We want men, not land. We are therefore the natural and the 
fafe guardians of Spain. On us Ihe may rely with perfeft con- 
fidence. We can derive from that commerce, which it is her in- 
tereft to permit, all the advantage we ought to aik But great as 
are the benefits which will refult from the pofiiefilon of the Flo- 
ridas and New-Orleans, great as is their tendency to advance our 
power, fecure our peace, and extend our commerce, there 
is a confideration in compariion with which commerce, peace, 
and power are but of flight avail. i hefe provinces will forti- 
fy the defences of our freedom. My honourable colleague has 
fliated to you his apprehenfions from fl:anding armies. And 
yetj fir, if we be not poflTefl^ed of this territory, flianding ar- 
mies become necefl^ary. Without an Impofing military force 
the inhabitants of the weflern country will be in fuch immedi- 
ate danger, that they mull league with a neighbour who will 
have every thing to offer, and from whom they will have eve- 
ry thing to fear. This will lead to the worfl: of all wars, to 
civil war. and when that fliall happen, liberty will foon be 
loll:. The army which has defeated one half the nation will 
eafily lend itfelf to enflave the other. Such is the hiflory, 
and fuch will ever be the fcUe of man. In this view then, 



41 

above all others, is that polTeffiGn moft precious. When 
it is in our hands we need no ftanding army. Vv^e can turn 
our whole attention to naval defence, which gives compleat 
fecurity both at home and abroad. When we have twenty 
fhips of the line at fea, and there is no good reafon why we 
Ihould not have them, we fliall be refpecfVed by all Europe. 
The fenfe of fecurity refulting from fuch force muft give a 
new fpring to induftry and encrease the flock of national 
wealth. The expence compared with the benefit is moderate, 
nay, trifling. And let me here fay one word as to national 
expence. Sir, whatever fums are neceffary to fecure the na- 
tional independence muff be paid. They will not amount to 
one half of what it mufl coil us to be fubdued. If we will 
not pay to be defended, we muft pay for being conquered. 
There is no medium, and but the fmgle alternative. In the 
proper expenditure for defence, therefore, is true economy, and 
every pitiful faving inconfiflent with that obje£l, is the worfl, 
the mofi: profligate profufion. 

Having now confidered^ in its various relations, the impor- 
tance of thefe provinces, the way is open to eflimate our 
chance of obtaining them by negotiation. Let me allc on what 
ground you mean to treat ? Do you exped to perfuade ? Do 
you hope to intimidate ? If to perfuade, what are your means 
of perfuafion ? Every gentleman admits the importance of 
this country, "i'hink you the Firfl Conful, whofe capacious 
mind embraces the globe, is alone ignorant of its value ? Is 
he a child whom you may win by a rattle to comply with your 
wifhes ? Will you, like a nurfe, fing to him a lullaby ? If you 
have no hope from fondling attentions and foothing founds, 
what have you to offer in exchange ? Have you any thing to 
give which he will take ? He wants povvcr. You have no 
power. Ele wants dominion. You have no dominion. At 
lead none that you can grant. He wants influence in Europe. 
And have you any influence in Europe ? What, in the name of 
Heaven, are the means by which you would render this nego- 
ciation fuccefsful .? Is it by fome fecret fpell ? Have you any 
magick power ? Will you draw a circle and conjure up devils 
to afTifl you ^ Or do you rely on the charms of thofe beauti- 
ful girls with whom the gentleman near me fays the French 
grenadiers are to incorporate ^ If fo why don't you fend an 
cmbafTy of women? Gentlemen talk of the principles of our 

F 



42 

government, as if ihey could obtain for us the defired boon. 
But what will thefe principles avail ? When you enquire as to 
the force of France, Auflria, or Ruflia, do you alk whether 
they have a habeas corpus a6l or a trial by jury ? Do you to 
eftimate their power difcufs their interior police ? No. The 
queftion is. How many battalions have they ? What train of 
artillery can they bring into the field ? How many Ihips can 
they fend to fea ? Thefe are the important circumftancea 
which command refpeft and facilitate negociation. Can you 
difplay thefe powerful motives ? Alas ! Alas ! To all thefe 
queflions you anfwer by one poor word — confidence — confi- 
dence — confidence — Yea, verily, we have confidence — We 
have faith and hope, aye : and we have charity too. Well — 
Go to market with thefe chridian virtues and what will you 
get for them ? Jufl: nothing. Yet in the face of reafon and 
experience you have confidence : but in whom t Why, in our 
worthy prefident. But he cannot make the treaty alone. 
There mufl be two parties to a bargain. I aik if you have 
confidence alfo in the Firft Conful .? But whither, in the name 
of Heaven, will this confidence lead, and to what does rt 
tend? The time is precious. We wafte, and we have already 
wafted moments which will never return. You have already 
tried negociation, I fay you have tried it, becaufe I kno-vv 
you have a minifter in France, and I am fure the firft 
jnagiftrate of our country cannot have been fo negligent 
as not to pay attention to afubje^l which is confefiTedly of fuch 
magnitude. You have then negotiated. And with what fuc- 
cefs ? Why, inftcad of defeating the ceftion you have clofed 
the river. Inftead of obtaining any advantage by a new trea- 
ty, you have loft the benefit of an old one. — Such are the re- 
fults of your negotiation in Europe. In this country you 
have negotiated to get back the privilege you are robbed of : 
and what follows ? A prohibition to touch their fliores. In- 
ftead of reftoring the rights of treaty, they cut you off from 
the rights of humanity. Such is your Iplendid fuccefs from ne- 
gotiation y and yet gentlemen tell us we muit continue to nego- 
tiate. The honourable member from Kentucky fays that great 
lengths are gone in enquiring into and rectifying the irregular 
procedure — He tells us a minifter is juft appointed and ic would 
therefore be inconfiilent to fight juft now : that moreover ic 
•would degrade the Prefident's authority, and defeat his m.;.i- 



43 

fares. The gentleman from Georgia fays we have no right to 
go to war till there fhall be a refufal on the part of Spain ; 
and my honourable colleague aifures us that if our wrongs 
are redrelTed by negociation we can have no complaint. As 
to the lengths which are gone, it is for thofe gentlemen to ap- 
precfete their value who know what they are. I profefs my ig- 
norance, and judging by effects, mufl: withhold myconfidence. If 
we muff wait for a pointed refufal before we do ourfelves 
right, I venture to predift a delay fatal to the peace of this 
country. But, Sir, what is it we are to ail<:, the refufal of 
which will juftify war ? Is it (as my honourable colleague fup- 
pofes) a mere reftitution of a privilege wrongfully taken away ? 
Sir, I anfvver in the words of the refolutions moved by my 
friend. " It does not confifl: with the dignity of this country 
to hold a right fo importap.t by a tenure fo uncertain.'* But 
the honourable member from Maryland has told us that we 
need not crofs the Atlantick to feek for precedents, that we 
have enough on our own archives ; and he has had the good- 
nefs to mention our humble petitions prefented to the king of 
Great Britain in 1775. We fent, fays he, petition after peti- 
tion. I am fure that honourable member has no wifli that a 
miniiler fhould be fent to bear our humble petitions to the 
footftool of the Firft ConfuPs throne. But, Sir, whether we 
treat or pray it will end as it did m 1775, by war, unlcfs we 
are determined to give up that independence which we then 
fought to eftablifli. Let us confider a moment the natural 
courfe of this negociation. It is the intereft of France to fof- 
ter in us a hope from treaty, until {lie has putherfelf in a con- 
dition to fruflrate all other hope. There can be no quellion 
therefore that ihe has avoided, and will avoid a direft refufal. 
And as long as we are content to accept of fmooth fpeeches, ge- 
neral aifurances, vague alfertions, and loofe evafions, we (hall 
have no want of that court currency. But why (it may be faid) 
has file not already taken poffefTion ? Becaufe her original 
plans have been greatly deranged. St. Domingo prefented 
obftacles unexpecled, and that enterprife muft not be abandon- 
ed, for though (lie iiland may not in itfelf be of much confe- 
quence, though it mufh be ruined before it can be conquered, 
yet conquered it mufh be, for the world muft continue to be- 
lieve that the Firfl Conful cannot fail in what he has underta- 
taken. Much of his power refts on that opinion, and it mufl 



44 

therefore be maintained. But there are other incidents be- 
lide thofe of St. Domingo which have had the iame tenden- 
cy. There followed on the general peace a ferious difculTion 
of the German indemnities ; then the affiiirs of Italy ; lately 
of Switzerland ; and during the whole momentous period it 
was doubtful how far England would bear a continued invafion 
of the liberties of Europe. And it was evident that fhould 
the war recommence with England, the force fent to this coun- 
try would be totally loft. It was important therefore to gain 
time ; and for that very reafon we fliould have infifted on an 
immediate decilion. Such then is the ftate of this treaty fo 
fondly deiired. A treaty by which we are to afk much and of- 
fer nothing. A negociation in which we have no means to 
perfuade. Have we any to intimidate ? Where is your pub- 
lick force ? You have none ; and feem refolved not to have or 
ufe any. My honourable colleague tells us that war will en- 
creafe our debt one hundred millions, and that our people are 
not fond of taxes. He fays we are trying a ?iezu experiment 
to pay our debts in a Gjiven period, which war would derange. 
It would iniure,moreover,ourpacifick chara61er,and might draw 
down the jealoufy of all nations who have colonies. He be- 
lieves that three fourths of our people are oppofed to war, 
but yet he thinks that nine months hence we fliall be 
in a better condition. What is the efFeft of this language ? 
Is it not to convince the adverfe party that he has nothing to 
fear fr- a refufal ? As to this experiment for the payment 
of our Qcbts, whether it have the merit of novelty I ftiall not 
enquire; but I am bold to aflert that the merit, be it what 
it may, is due to one of my worthy friends who formerly 
adminiftered our finances. The fame plan alfo has been 
adopted by another great ftatesman, (Mr. Pitt) who has for 
many years paft provided regularly a fund to liquidate in a 
given period each debt which his nation has incurred. But 
does England trufc her fafety to the prote61'ion of her finking 
fund .? a'o. She has fifty thoufand feamen employed and a 
hundred thouland foidicrs — Thefe form the fliield of her de- 
fence. A gentleman near me has told us th^ in cafe of war 
our mercantile capital is expofed in every part of the world. 
To this I anfv/er, firft, that the fame objeftion will apply with 
equal weight upon any and every occafion. But further, I fay 
the argument is dire6ily and completely againft him. How 



45 • 

does it ftand ? He admits that if negociation fails he will 
draw the fword. He goes further, and fays he will throw 
away the fcabbard. Now, fir, it is clear that if we operate 
at once, notice may be given to our merchants. Advices may 
be fent in feafon to every fea. And here let me fay that it 
is a duty of the government to apprize both our infurers 
and fhippers of their dangerous fituation. It is unwife as 
well as unjuft to lull them into a fatal fecurity. But fuppole 
the treaty fhall fail, and remember that the fuccefs or failure 
depends on Bonaparte, he will weigh the prefent declara- 
tions and aft accordingly. He will commence a war on your 
commerce long before you know that war exifts. I fay there- 
fore the argument is direftly againfl: the gentleman who ufed 
it. And here let me fay one word on the comparative 
merits of the refolutions on your table. Thofe moved by my 
honourable friend give the Prefident command not only 
of the militia but of the naval and military force. They 
place money at his difpofal, and what is moft important, 
they put it in his power to ufe thefe efficient means. The 
refolutions moved as an amendment authorize indeed a call 
for a greater number of militia, but when called they can do 
nothing but confume their rations. There is no power to 
bring them into aclion, and of courfe the expence is ufelefs, 
even for the purpofe of influence. 

Having endeavoured to fhew that Vv'e have no hone from 
treaty, it only remaius to confider the natural eiTeft taking 
an immediate poffeilion. Againfl this meafure.^ s been 
faid, that war, inftead of giving relief, will abfolu- ihut up 
the Miffiffippi. That a lingle feventy-four in the mouth of 
that river would flop it effeftually. 1 believe, fir, it v^ould 
not only flop but turn it ; for a feventy-four would run 
aground and obftruft the channel. But what is the amount 
of thefe obfervations ? The gentlemen all agree that if they 
cannot obtain their objeft Vx'ithout war, they will fight for it. 
The mifchief they deprecate ir.uft therefore arrive, unlefs 
there be a well grounded hope from treaty, anil the only dif- 
ference is, that they are willing to take a longer term of fuf- 
ferance, becaufe they have a Itronger expeftation of relief 
without the exertion of force. I have no fuch expeftation. 
I fliall therefore proceed to confider what will follow if we 
take polTeffion without a previous alliance with Britain, or 



• 46 

with fuch an alliance. I have heard it urged in converfation 
that fuch alliance ftiould firft be made, and therefore I think it 
proper to take up the fubje£l in debate. I cannot however 
but remark on the different language now held from that 
which we heard a year ago. Then it was the faftiion to fay, 
we had nothing to do with other nations. And when a man of 
plain fenfe obferved that this difpofition was of little avail be- 
caufe other nations would have fomething todo with us; and 
when the particular danger we now fee was pointed out ; Oh 
then, to be fure, there was nothing to apprehend from our dear 
iifter republick. I cenfure no man for adopting other and wifer 
principles. I have no queftion but that as gentlemen proceed 
in the bufmefs of government they will fee the folly of many 
other fanciful notions, but I muft entreat them not to fly from 
one extreme to the other. I hefitate not to give my opinion that 
we ought to take poffeffion without confulting Great Britain. 
And having done fo let us declare to France that we mean to 
live with her in perfect amity. Let us offer every affiftance 
in our power to conquer and preferve St. Domingo. Let us 
fhew her that we have done an a£l of mere defence. Let us 
prove our pacifick difpoficion by declaring that we are under 
the tie of no obligation to her rival. To Spain let us hold a 
limilar language. Let us point out her prefent danger and 
dcmonflrate the utility of our poffeffion. To both let us offer 
to relinquifli our claim for fpoliations on our commerce and 
pay our own merchants. We can well afford to purchafe with 
that price, a price paid to ourfelves. Finally, if our reprefen- 
tations do not produce the defired effe£l:, let us tell them that 
we will ally ourfelves to England, and aid in the conqueft of aU 
their American dominions. Sir this language will be liflenc- 
ed to. Rely on it that under fuch circumflances neither 
France nor Spain dare fend hither a Angle regiment or a An- 
gle ihip. The exiftence of the Britifti naval force will alone 
produce all the effect: you could a]k from its operation. But 
what are we to hope from a delay until an alliance fliall be 
made ^. What will be the flipulations of the treaty of alli- 
ance,'* Thefe may be more or lefs onerous or pernicious. Cer- 
tainly the Britilh minifter will not hazard the fate of his na- 
tion without the hope of fome correfpondent advantage. One 
ftipulation is certain. We muft agree to continue the war 
until a peace can be obtained by common confent : and this 



47 

is preclfely the flipulation which we ought not to make, if it 
can be avoided ; becaufe we fliall then be no longer mafters" 
of our exterior relations. To this it may be objected, that 
we cannot expeft aid from Britain without a previous treaty. 
I aflv what reliance you have for aid with treaty ? The anfwer 
is, that it will be her interefl. And, fir, it is her intereil: to 
give that aid without treaty. 

I have now gone through this tedious difcuffion. I have 
trefpalTcd on your patience more than I wifhed, although 
from thelatenefs of the hour much has been omitted of what 
I ought to have faid. 1 have endeavoured to fhew that under 
the exifting circumltances, we are now actually at war, and have 
no choice but manly reiiftance or vile fubmiffion. That the 
pofleiTion of this country by France is dangerous to other 
nations, but fatal to us. That it forms a natural and neceflary 
part of our empire, that to ufe the ftrong language of the gen- 
man near me, it is joined to us by the hand of the Almighty, 
and that we have no hope of obtaining it by treaty. If indeed 
there be any fuch hope, it muft be by adopting the refolutions 
offered by m)'- honourable friend. Sir, I wifli for peace — I 
wifti the negociation may fucceed, and therefore 1 flrongly 
urge you to adopt thofe refolutions. But though you fhould- 
adopt them, they alone will not infure fuccefs. 1 have no 
hefitation in faying that you ought ta have taken poffelTion: 
of New-Orleans and the Floridas the inltant your treaty was 
violated. You ought to do it now. Your rights are invaded, 
confidence in negociation is vain : there is therefore no alter- 
native but force. You are expofed to imminent prefent danger. 
You have the profpe<ft of great future advantage. You are 
julbfied by the cleared: principles of right. You are urged by 
the ftrongefl motives of policy. You are commanded by eve- 
ry fentiraent of national dignity. ^ Look at the conduft of 
America in her infant years. When there was no aftual inva- 
fion of right, but only a darm to invade — She relifted the 
claim. She fpurned the infuit. Did we then hefitate ? Did 
we then wart for foreign alliance ? No — animated with 
the fpirit, warmed with the foul of freedom, we threw our 
oaths of allegiance in the face of our fovereign, and commir- 
ted our fortunes and our fate to the God of battles. We 
then were fubjeds. We had not then attained to the dignity 
of an independent repubhck. We then had no rank among 



48 

the nations of the earth. But we had the fpirit which deferv- 
ed that elevated ftation. And now that we have gained it, 
Ihah we fall from our honour ? 

Sir, I repeat to you that I wifh for peace : real, lafting, hon- 
ourable peace. To obtain and fecure this bleffing let us by a 
boldanddecirivecondufl convince the powers of Europe that we 
are determined to defend our rights ; that we will not fubmit 
to infult, that we will not bear degradation. This is the 
conduft which becomes a generous people. This conduct will 
command the refpeft of the world. Nay fir, it may roufe all 
Europe to a proper fenfe of their Htuation. They fee that 
the ballance of power on v.'hich their liberties depend, is, if not 
dedroyed, in extreme danger. I'hey know that the dominion 
of France has been extended by the fword over millions who 
groan in the fervitudeof their new mailers. Thefe unwilling 
lubje(rt3 are ripe for revolt. The empire of the Gauls is not 
like that ot Rome fecured by political inli:itutions. It may yet be 
broken. But v/hatever may be the condu^ of others, let us 
afl as becomes ourfelves. I cannot believe with my honour- 
able colleague that three fourths of America are oppofed to 
vigorous meafures. I cannot believe that they will meanly 
refufe to pay the funis needful to vindicate their honour and 
fupport their independence. Sir this is a libel on the people 
of ^'merica. They will difdain fubmiffion to the proudell: 
fovereign on earth. They have not loft the fpirit of feventy- 
fix. But hr, if they are fo bafe as to barter their rights for 
gold, if they are fo vile that they will not defend their honour, 
they are unworthy of the rank they enjoy, and it is no mat- 
ter hov/ loon they are parcelled out among better maliers. 

My honourable friend from Pennfylvania, in opening this 
debate, pledged himfelf and bis friends to fupport the executive 
government if they would adopt a manly conduct. 1 have 
no hefitation tc renew that pledge. ■\di as becomes America 
and all .America will be uniced in your fupport. What is our 
conduft? Do we endeavour to fetter and trammel the executive 
authority ? Do we oppofe obftacles ? Do we raife difficulties ? 
No. We are willing to commit into the hands of the chief 
magiftrate the treafure, the power, and the energies of the 
country. We afk for ourfelves nothing. We exped nothing. 
All we afic is for our country. And although we do not be-r 



49 



iieve In the fuccefs of treaty, yet the refolutions we move 
and the language we hold are calculated to promote it. 

1 have now performed, to the bed of my power," the great 
duty which I owed to my country. I have given that advice 
uhich in my foul I believe to be the bell. But'l have little hope 
that It will be adopted. I fear that by feeble councils we 
11 1.11 be expofed to a long and bloody war. This fear is per- 
haps ill founded, and If fo I fliall thank God that I was mifta- 
ken. I know that in the order of his Providence the wifefl 
ends frequently refult from the mod foolifli meafures. It is 
our duty to fubmit ourfelves to his high difpenfations. I 
know that war, with all its mifery, is not wholly without ad- 
vantage. It calls forth the energies of character, it favours 
the manly virtues, it gives elevation to fentiment, it produces 
nanonal union, generates patriotick love, and infufes a juft 
feiiie of national honour. If then we are doomed to war, let 
us meet it as we ought; and when the hour of trial comes, let it 
and us a band of brothers. 

Sir, I have done, and I pray to Almighty God that this day's 
iebace may eventuate in the profperity, rhefreedom, the neace, 
the power, and the glory of our country. 



ERRATA. 

The reader is requested to make the following corrections. 

Page 22, line 19 from the top, strike out refutation and insert 
reputation . 

Page 30, line 7 from the top, strike out and in the beginning of 
the line, and insert it after the Avord monitor^ in the same line. 

Page 30, line 14, between the words grasp and om, insert I, 

Page 30, line 25, strike out the word continually, and insert in 
place of it eventually. 




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